Monday, January 27, 2020

General Strain Theory (GST) Application to Rehabilitation

General Strain Theory (GST) Application to Rehabilitation Abstract   A staggering number of African-Americans are incarcerated for a variety of criminal offences. Without having to review criminal statistics, African-Americans appear to lack the ability to adapt and/or become productive members of society compared to other races incarcerated. This is more than a stereotype and coincidence, other countries besides the United States have documented this phenomenon. Applying Agnews (1992) General Strain Theory (GST) to the emotional and social psychological development of African-Americans, society may better understand the motive, causation, and circumstances of crime pertaining to the African-American criminal thought process. I hypothesize this thought process to be a psychological condition requiring identification and intervention by the criminal justice system and correctional facilities. Investigation started by analyzing strains upon the African-American culture detailing afterwards the treatment of mentally ill African-American inmates as observ ed by the General Strain Theory and current physiological testing. A variety of social programs is available with positive interpersonal exposure and rebuilding of social skills/mindset, rehabilitating inmates to recognize, understand, and cope with strain. General Strain Theory and Rehabilitation of Mentally Ill African-American Inmates A staggering number of African-Americans are incarcerated for a variety of criminal offences. Without having to review criminal statistics, African-Americans appear to lack the ability to adapt and/or become productive members of society compared to other races incarcerated. This is more than a stereotype and coincidence, other countries besides the United States have documented this phenomenon. Applying Agnews (1992) General Strain Theory (GST) to the emotional and social psychological development of African-Americans, society may better understand the motive, causation, and circumstances of crime pertaining to the African-American criminal thought process. I hypothesize this thought process to be a psychological condition requiring identification and intervention by the criminal justice system and correctional facilities. Investigation started by analyzing strains upon the African-American culture detailing afterwards the treatment of mentally ill African-American inmates as observed by the General Strain Theory and current physiological testing. A variety of social programs is available with positive interpersonal exposure and rebuilding of social skills/mindset, rehabilitating inmates to recognize, understand, and cope with strain. Literature Review Kaufman, Rebellon, Thaxton, and Agnew (2008) produced an informative article that applied Agnews General Strain Theory to analyzing the motivational processes of African-Americans, beyond age, sex, or community, which leads them to criminal activity. This article evaluated the lives of African-Americans in totality and hypothesized a lack of coping mechanisms and outlets for daily and unrelenting stresses or strains. A considerable amount of statistical information contained herein was gathered from various web sites and journals. The U.S. Department of Justice (2006, 2007) and the U.S. Department of Labor (2008) collected facts pertaining to crimes and the races in which they occurred within. While Elliott Voss (1974), Williams Gold (1972) did not find significant racial crime connections, Kelley, Huizinga, Thornberry, Loeber (1997) with Snyder Sickmund (2006) showed juveniles were prone to violence. Broadhurst and Tonry (1997) with Doone (2000) confirmed that other countries besides the United States experienced elevated criminal and correctional issues with indigenous populations of African-American decent. African-American plight can be traced back to mid-19th century by Du Bois (1899, 1904), Hawkins (1995). Without the contributions of Hirschi (1969), Akers (1998), (Cohen Felson, 1979) and others, theories such as the lifestyle theory, Walters (2005, 2007) Criminal Thinking Styles, and Dolls Ajzens (1992) theory of Planned Behavior, a comparative analysis would be incomplete. Credit must also go to Scobbie, Wyke, Dixon, (2009), Birgden (2004), Fallot (2001), Condelli, Bradigan, Holanchock, (1997) for contributing their knowledge and research utilized in this report exploring mentally illnesses. Criminal Statistics African-Americans have excessively represented a majority of the criminals in the U.S. since the mid-19th century (Du Bois, 1899, 1904; Hawkins, 1995). In 2006, the U.S. population was comprised of approximately 13% African-Americans, however they accounted for 28% of all offence arrests, 39.3% of violent crimes, 56.3% of robberies, and 50.9% of homicides (U.S. Department of Justice, 2007). The U.S. Department of Justice (2006) reported that victims perceived 25.3% of singular criminals and 33.9% of criminals in multiple offender victimizations to be African-American according to the most recent statistics from the National Crime Victimization Survey. In robberies, offenders were perceived as African-American 47.7% of the time and 22% of the time with assaults (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006). Disregarding the fact of perceived or speculative information obtained under the high stress of a criminal act by a victim, victimization data continued to parallel current arrest data. Early self-reports did not convey significant findings between race and crime (Elliott Voss, 1974; Williams Gold, 1972), but recent reports show youths prone to violence (Kelley, Huizinga, Thornberry, Loeber, 1997; Snyder Sickmund, 2006). Canada, New Zealand, and Australia also report abnormally high offenders from indigenous populations and African-Americans decent (Broadhurst, Tonry, 1997; Doone, 2000). Accounting for bias and discrimination, the overwhelming statistics of African-Americans to other races incarcerated do not coincide. General Strain Theory The GST offers an exemplary causation explanation of social and environmental factors contributing to African-American delinquency. The GST examines disproportional stressors/strains upon African-Americans as causations of criminal behavior whereas similar theories only provide for negative sociological (Hirschi, 1969) or poor acquaintance associations (Akers, 1998). Typically, hypotheses focus upon one factor as the causation of delinquency, the GST accounts for multiple strains upon an individual to explain criminal behavior. A broad range of strains, according to Agnew (1992), can occur from failures or removal from positive outcomes, or the anticipation of negative stimuli, could possibly result in a criminal action to pacify the emotional trigger. Recent empirical testing showed strain and anger influencing violence (Agnew, 2006; Mazerolle Piquero, 1997; Mazerolle, Burton, Cullen, Evans Payne, 2000). African-American may experience higher levels of strain compared to other races, but it does inevitably conclude in crime. Variables such as coping skills, social support, and mental conditioning of an individual allow for escape from and defusing strain. Individuals whom possess exemplary social control (Hirschi, 1969) or whom do not associate with delinquent social circles (Akers, 1998) will be less likely to utilize criminal activity to cope with strain. Predominate Strains Agnew (2001) recently clarified strain is most conducive to crime when it was viewed as unjust e.g. excessive discipline, criminal victimization, and unpredictable parental supervision, particularly when combined with economic, educational, criminal, and discriminatory strains. These types of strains create the conditions for coping to occur through criminal activity. Economic strains are prevalent amongst African-American communities with African-Americans likely to be of lower class income employed in the secondary labor market or unemployed (Conley, 2000; DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, Smith, 2007; Gittleman Wolff, 2004; Sullivan, 1998; U.S. Department of Labor, 2008). Robbery is the highest crime disproportionally observed among the African-American culture (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006, 2007) and possibly explains the situational need for supplemental income. Economic strain can be potentially interrupted as unjust, blamable upon society, and other external factors beyond an individuals control, contributing to the continued plight of the African-American culture. Family, educational, criminal, victimization, discrimination, and community strains rank amongst the top stressors of the African-American culture next to economic strain. These strains are so prevalent in occurrence it is understandable and reasonable to conclude there is little escape or relief from these strains. Family strain is contributed to residency in impoverish areas, economics, secondary labor employment, and diminished family bonds contribute to the probability of poor parenting practices e.g. inappropriate/inconsistent discipline (Agnew et al., 2000; Patterson Fergatch, 1990; Patterson, Reid, Dishion, 1992). This breakdown can contribute to diminished parental bonds with children with juvenile delinquency becoming the strain relief mechanism (Agnew et al, 2000; McLoyd, 1990; Patterson, 1982). U.S. school systems contain a percentage of educators with low expectations of lower class student success (Cooper Moore, 1995) with the placement of students, according to race, in lower educational programs without consideration of the individuals academic ability (Irvine York, 1993). This is a considerable strain upon developing African-American youths. Low rate educational programs alone effectively lessen mental development. These educational programs contain inferior curricula (Epps, 1995; Oakes, 1985). Associated/resulting from substandard educational practices of African-Americans are poor grades, unfair discipline, and poor/negative interpersonal relations with educators and students contributing to strain. These strains are observable with white students attending minority-segregated schools as their academic scores reflect substandard grades compared to white students in predominately-white schools (Bankston III Caldas, 1996). Criminal victimization pertains to crimes committed against African-Americans as compared to other races. Victimization amongst African-American compared to whites was 37.3% higher (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006) with 49.5% accounting for murder and non-negligent manslaughter (U.S. Department of Justice, 2007) of which 58% of murders occur before the age of 30 (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006). African-American children between the ages of 12-19 experienced violent crimes such as murder, rape, or robbery, 48% higher than white children of the same age (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006). The burglary rate of African-American households was 22.4% higher than whites (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006). Regardless of location, inner city or suburbia, the levels of victimization are consistent among African-Americans (Logan Stults, 1999). Discrimination is a strong negative that African-Americans experience frequently compared to whites and on many levels such as buying a house, car, seeking employment, education, or walking down the street (Ayres Siegelman, 1995; Farrell Jones, 1988; Feagin, 1991; Forman et. al., 1997; Kirschenman Neckerman, 1991; Yinger, 1995). African-Americans reported discrimination 34% greater than whites with 70% of African-Americans discriminated against at least once in their lifetime (Forman, Williams, Jackson, 1997). Discrimination may be the most conductive of strains eliciting negative emotions and crime-provoking behavior (Agnew, 2001). Homicide rates, at the micro level, were related to discrimination (Messner, 1989) with high rates of crime amongst African-Americans in racially segregated locales (Messner South, 1986; Shihadeh Flynn, 1996). At the micro level, positive associations existed between discrimination and juvenile delinquency (Simons et al., 2003). Negative experiences with law enforcement officers include discrimination (Miller, 1996), with frequent contact in high crime locals with unfavorable experiences (Parker, Onyekwuluje, and Murty, 1995). African-Americans were shot and killed more often by police officers compared to whites (Walker, Spohn, DeLone, 2000). While this fact showed negatively upon police officers, it also showed the high frequency in which African-Americans have extreme negative contacts with police officers. General Strain Theory and the Mentally Ill The Encyclopedia Britannica (2010) defines a mental disorder as, anyillnesswith significant psychological or behavioral manifestations that is associated with either a painful or distressing symptom or an impairment in one or more important areas of functioning. Disregarding recognizable mental illnesses such as schizophrenia; cannot a majority of the African-Americans incarcerated be classified as having a mental illness? African-Americans, over years of mental strain, may suffer from and require support rebuilding and coping skills with coping resources and social support (Agnew, 1992). Problem solving competences with self-esteem and self-efficacy guidance may help to reduce and recover from the effects of strain (Agnew, 1992). Utilization of tests such as the Psychological Inventory of Criminal Thinking Styles (Walters, 2005) or the Theory of Planned Behavior (Doll Ajzen, 1992) may help in determining emotional distress, worldview, and criminal thinking methods of African-Americans. The state of New York utilized the Wilcoxon test to assess psychological changes (Ward, Bradigan, Holanchock, 1997) finding intermediate care programs containing professionals such as clinical psychologists, social workers, and occupational/recreational therapists served to avoid hospitalizing inmates via therapy (e.g. group recreational therapy, skill training, educational/vocational instruction, and crisis intervention). Religious recovery described by Fallot (2001) utilized spirituality as a potentially positive role in psychiatric rehabilitation. Scobbie, Wyke, and Dixon (2009) reviewed goal-setting theories to identify those that offer the best potential results in clinical practice. Scobbie, Wyke, and Dixon (2009) concluded five main theories of social cognitive theory, goal setting theory, health action process approach, proactive coping theory, and self-regulatory model of illness behavior showed results in patient outcomes. These theories can overlap and intertwine to help identify issues and aid in rehabilitation. The common theme pertaining to rehabilitation of inmates, mentally ill or not, starts with recognizing a mental illness. While prisons are for punishment, the treatment of psychological illnesses starts with recognition by the correctional facility or guards. Birgden (2004) stated the use of correctional staff is instrumental as potential therapeutic agents (p. 283) with rehabilitation programs depending upon correctional officers support. The chance to deter future criminal activity depends upon the criminals will to succeed with the guidance of councilors and therapy. Seriously mental ill inmates account for 8% to 20% of state prison inmates costing approximately $245 million with county estimates placed at approximately 7.2% to 15% with a cost of $58.4 million. Conservative overall estimate of approximately $1.2 billion to $1.8 billion went towards the care of inmates in the state of California in 1993-1994 (Izumi, Schiller, Hayward, 1996). The number and costs associated with the care of mentally ill inmates could be considerable lowered with the proper application of intermediate care programs to recognize and rehabilitate criminals. Conclusion Theorists typically suggest inadequate socialization as one of the overall causations of deviance behavior (Bandura, 1969). There are a number of theories psychologists consider when classifying and diagnosing mental illnesses e.g. psychodynamic theories, operant conditioning, moral development, and social learning theory. The rational choice theory states criminals make a conscious, rational, and at least partially (Schmalleger, 2006, p.118) while the lifestyle theory states criminal thinking is hierarchically organized and that certain features of an individuals general world view should correspond with specific criminal thinking styles (Walters, 2007, p. 184). The general choice theory utilizes many factors aforementioned, evaluating strain specifically upon the African-American culture. Care of African-American mental illness, while incarcerated, requires substantial emotional and possibly professional treatment and support. Correctional guards are the first step in recognizing and referring strained African-Americans requiring professional guidance, and to aid in the rehabilitation process with positive interactions and socializations. Realistically, lesser needs may go untreated due to priority inmates with severe psychiatric needs. Cases with lesser, treatable, mental conditions can go untreated (Olley, Nicholls, Brink, 2009). While severe patients take priority, the needs of lesser cases should be the primary focus of correctional facilities. The breaking of the criminal behavioral cycle is the focus of such rehabilitation programs. Currently there is no catchall racial explanation for the causation of crime or mental conditioning amongst African-American; Kaufman, Rebellon, Thaxton, and Agnew (2008) suggested the GST offered an additional and complementary explanation that highlights the importance of emotional and motivational social psychological processes (p. 432).

Sunday, January 19, 2020

PFC Robert C. Burke-USMC :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  PFC Robert Charles Burke on 7 November 1949 in Monticello, Illinois and enlisted in the Marine Corps from Chicago, Illinois. The Marine died on 17 May 1968 in the Southern Quang Nam Province, Republic of Vietnam (South). He received the Congressional Medal of Honor posthumously for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty. PFC Burke was serving as a machine gunner with Company I, 3d Battalion, 27th Marines (3/27), 1st Marine Division (REIN), FMF.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The citation, which was signed by then President Richard M. Nixon, reads as follows:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã¢â‚¬Å"For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty for service as a machine gunner with Company I on Operation ALLEN BROOK. Company I was approaching a dry river bed with a heavily wooded tree line that borders the hamlet of Lee Nam, when they suddenly came under intense mortar, rocket propelled grenades, automatic weapon and small arms fire from a large, well concealed enemy force which halted the company’s advance and wounded several marines. Realizing that key points of resistance had to be eliminated to allow the units to advance and casualties to be evacuated. Pfc. Burke, without hesitation, seized his machine gun and launched a series of 1-man assaults against the fortified emplacements. As he aggressively maneuvered to the edge of the steep river bank, he delivered accurate suppressive fire upon several enemy bunkers, which enabled his comrades to advance and move the wounded marines to position s of relative safety. As he continued his combative actions, he located an opposing automatic weapons emplacement and poured intense fire into the position, killing 3 North Vietnamese soldiers as they attempted to flee. Pfc. Burke then fearlessly moved from one position to another, quelling the hostile fire until his weapon malfunctioned. Obtaining a casualty’s rifle and hand grenades, he advanced further into the midst of the enemy fire in an assault against another pocket of resistance killing 2 more of the enemy. Observing that a fellow marine had cleared his malfunctioning machine gun he grasped his weapon and moved into a dangerously exposed area and saturated the hostile tree line until he fell mortally wounded.

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Persuasive Speech Green Burials Essay

With the effects global warming and other natural disasters becoming more frequent, it is safe to say pollution has created a major crisis on our planet. Theses effect can be seen in the United State with the major cold front that has just pushed in from Canada over this past week. Scientist say weather patterns such as this will become more likely because of global warming. As an ecofriendly individual, I have taken the time to research many ecological ideas. Today I hope to persuade individuals to select green burials as an alternative burial option. A green burial or natural burial is the proper disposal of the deceased with as little carbon impact as possible to the natural environment. Green burials help conserve natural resources, produces little to no carbon emissions, aids in protecting the health of grave diggers, and restores and preserves the natural habitat. For the end-of-life ritual to be considered to be a â€Å"green burial,† there can be no usage of non-biodeg radable or toxic materials. People who select to engage in green burials are laid to rest in materials such as: shrouds or biodegradable caskets and urns. Why would a person select to be buried in such a manner, you ask? A green burial offers many positive affect upon the environment when compared to traditional burial methods. I would like to begin by saying that I do not consider any end-of-life method to be considered â€Å"wrong.† I only wish to advocate an alternative option to decrease to carbon footprint of our last act in the world. The act of embalming a loved on often includes the usage a chemical called formaldehyde. Formaldehyde poses a major threat to funeral directors and their funeral homes. In accordance to the National Cancer Institution, â€Å"funeral directors have a much higher incidence of myeloid leukemia.† Although embalming fluid does preserve the physical characteristic of a loved one, but after months in the grave the embalming fluid drastically decrease the decomposition rate of the body. Again I don’t wish to discredit any other form of burial. Green burials offer many positive aspects t hat aid the earth. Why should someone choose to have a green burial? Earth has  always intend to humans to return to the soil from which they came. In nature, nothing is wasted. Everything is recycled by billion upon trillions of tiny microorganisms that break down all waste matter. Natural burials also aid in the growth of native trees, wildflowers, and shrubs. These wild plants will bring about a whole new eco-system to the burial area that both plants and animals will benefit from. There is no water wasted on these grounds or harmful pesticides and herbicides because the area is left to grow naturally. Imagine the joy of being able to remember a loved one as a new tree that provides life to millions of organisms. Green burials are an ecofriendly way to leave a positive lasting impact upon the earth. In 2007 AARP conducted a study that showed, â€Å"1 in 5 American over the age of 50 have considered having a green burial ceremony.† Green burials is just one of many end-of-life rituals practi ced all around the world. Work Cited Markoe, Lauren. â€Å"Green Burials Reflect Care for Earth, Family Finances.† Christian Century 131.4 (2014): 18-19. Academic Search Premier. Wed. 11 November 2014. Unknown. â€Å"Green Burials,†¦Return Naturally.† Green Burials,†¦Return Naturally. N.p., 17 Sept. 2008. Web. 11 Nov. 2014. Unknown. â€Å"Green Burial Council.† Green Burial Council. N.p., 18 May 2012. Web. 11 Nov. 2014.

Friday, January 3, 2020

Biography of George S. Patton, Famed American General

George S. Patton (November 11, 1885–December 21, 1945) was an American Army general noted for winning battles in World Wars I and II. He first came to attention as a commander fighting Pancho Villa in Mexico and helped revolutionize the use of tanks in warfare. Despite his many successes, his aggressive, colorful personal style and his temper often caused issues with his superiors. Fast Facts: George S. Patton Known For: Famed but controversial American combat generalAlso Known As: Old Blood and GutsBorn: Nov. 11, 1885 in San Gabriel, CaliforniaParents: George Smith Patton Sr., Ruth WilsonDied: Dec. 21, 1945 in Heidelberg, GermanyEducation: West PointSpouse: Beatrice AyerChildren: Beatrice Smith, Ruth Ellen, George Patton IVNotable Quote: Battle is the most magnificent competition in which a human being can indulge. Early Life Born on November 11, 1885 in San Gabriel, California, George Smith Patton, Jr. was the son of George S. Patton, Sr. and Ruth Patton. An avid student of military history, the young Patton was descended from American Revolution Brigadier General Hugh Mercer and several of his relatives fought for the Confederacy during the Civil War. During his childhood, Patton met former Confederate raider and family friend John S. Mosby. The old veterans war stories helped fuel Pattons desire to become a soldier. Departing home, he enrolled at the Virginia Military Institute in 1903 before transferring to West Point the following year. Compelled to repeat his plebe year due to poor grades in mathematics, Patton reached the position of cadet adjutant before graduating in 1909. Assigned to the cavalry, Patton went on to compete in the modern pentathlon at the 1912 Olympics in Stockholm. Finishing fifth overall, he returned to the United States and was posted to Fort Riley, Kansas. While there, he developed a new cavalry saber and training techniques. Assigned to the 8th Cavalry Regiment at Fort Bliss, Texas, he took part in Brigadier General John J. Pershings Punitive Expedition against Pancho Villa in 1916. World War I During the expedition, Patton led the U.S. Armys first armored attack when he assaulted an enemy position with three armored cars. In the fighting, key Villa henchman Julio Cardenas was killed—earning Patton some notoriety. With the U.S. entry into World War I in April 1917, Pershing had Patton promoted to captain and took the young officer to France. Desiring a combat command, Patton was posted to the new U.S. Tank Corps. Testing new tanks, he observed their use at the Battle of Cambrai late that year. Organizing the American tank school, he trained with Renault FT-17 tanks. Swiftly advancing through the ranks to colonel in the wartime army, Patton was given command of the 1st Provisional Tank Brigade (later the 304th Tank Brigade) in August 1918. Fighting as part of the 1st U.S. Army, he was wounded in the leg at the Battle of St. Mihiel that September. Recovering, he took part in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive for which he was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross and Distinguished Service Medal, as well as a battlefield promotion to colonel. With the end of the war, he reverted to his peacetime rank of captain and was assigned to Washington, D.C. Interwar Years While in Washington, he encountered Captain Dwight D. Eisenhower. Becoming good friends, the two officers began developing new armored doctrines and devising improvements for tanks. Promoted to major in July 1920, Patton tirelessly worked as an advocate for the establishment of a permanent armored force. Moving through peacetime assignments, Patton led some of the troops that dispersed the Bonus Army in June 1932. Promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1934 and colonel four years later, Patton was placed in command of Fort Myer in Virginia. A New War With the formation of the 2nd Armored Division in 1940, Patton was selected to lead its 2nd Armored Brigade. Promoted to brigadier general in October, he was given command of the division with the rank of major general in April 1941. In the U.S. Armys build-up prior to World War II, Patton took the division to the Desert Training Center in California. Given command of the I Armored Corps, Patton relentlessly trained his men in the desert through the summer of 1942. In this role, Patton led the Western Task Force during Operation Torch, which saw his men capture Casablanca, Morocco in November of that year. A Unique Style of Leadership Seeking to inspire his men, Patton developed a flashy image and routinely wore a highly polished helmet, cavalry pants and boots, and a pair of ivory-handled pistols. Traveling in a vehicle featuring oversize rank insignias and sirens, his speeches were frequently laced with profanity and espoused the utmost confidence in his men. While his behavior was popular with his troops, Patton was prone to indiscreet remarks which often stressed Eisenhower, who had become his superior in Europe, and caused tension among the Allies. While tolerated during the war, Pattons vocal nature ultimately led to his relief. North Africa and Sicily In the wake of the U.S. II Corps defeat at Kasserine Pass in February 1943, Eisenhower appointed Patton to rebuild the unit at the suggestion of Major General Omar Bradley. Assuming command with the rank of lieutenant general and retaining Bradley as his deputy, Patton diligently worked to restore discipline and fighting spirit to the II Corps. Taking part in the offensive against the Germans in Tunisia, the II Corps performed well. Recognizing Pattons achievement, Eisenhower pulled him to aid in planning the invasion of Sicily in April 1943. Moving forward in July 1943, Operation Husky saw Pattons Seventh U.S. Army land on Sicily along with General Sir Bernard Montgomerys Eighth British Army. Tasked with covering Montgomerys left flank as the Allies moved on Messina, Patton grew impatient as the advance bogged down. Taking the initiative, he sent troops north and captured Palermo before turning east to Messina. While the Allied campaign was successfully concluded in August, Patton damaged his reputation when he slapped Private Charles H. Kuhl at a field hospital. Having no patience for battle fatigue, Patton struck Kuhl and called him a coward. Western Europe Though tempted to send Patton home in disgrace, Eisenhower, after consultations with Chief of Staff General George Marshall, retained the wayward commander after a reprimand and apology to Kuhl. Knowing that the Germans feared Patton, Eisenhower brought him to England and assigned him to lead the First U.S. Army Group (FUSAG). A dummy command, FUSAG was part of Operation Fortitude which was intended to make the Germans think that the Allied landings in France would occur at Calais. Though unhappy with losing his combat command, Patton was effective in his new role. In the wake of the D-Day landings, Patton was returned to the front as the commander of the U.S. Third Army on August 1, 1944. Serving under his former deputy Bradley, Pattons men played a key role in exploiting the breakout from the Normandy beachhead. Surging into Brittany and then across northern France, the Third Army bypassed Paris, liberating large chunks of territory. Pattons rapid advance came to a halt on August 31 outside of Metz due to supply shortages. As Montgomerys efforts in support of Operation Market-Garden took priority, Pattons advance slowed to a crawl, leading to a protracted battle for Metz. Battle of the Bulge With the beginning of the Battle of the Bulge on December 16, Patton began shifting his advance toward the threatened parts of the Allied line. As a result, in perhaps his greatest achievement of the conflict, he was able to quickly turn the Third Army north and relieve the besieged 101st Airborne Division at Bastogne. With the German offensive contained and defeated, Patton advanced east through the Saarland and crossed the Rhine at Oppenheim on March 22, 1945. Charging through Germany, Pattons forces reached Pilsen, Czechoslovakia by the wars end on May 7/8. Postwar With the end of the war, Patton enjoyed a brief trip home to Los Angeles where he and Lieutenant General Jimmy Doolittle were honored with a parade. Assigned to be the military governor of Bavaria, Patton was irritated not to receive a combat command in the Pacific. Openly critical of Allied occupation policy and believing that the Soviets should be forced back to their borders, Patton was relieved by Eisenhower in November 1945 and assigned to the Fifteenth Army, which was tasked with writing the history of the war. Patton died on December 21, 1945, from injuries sustained in a car accident 12 days earlier.